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Sunday, July 27, 2008

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Politico.com: Electoral reform law challenged in N.M.

http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0708/12071.html

Younger voters tend to favor Democratic candidates, and generally Democrats have tended to focus on fighting voter suppression, while Republicans have aimed their sights on voter fraud. Photo: AP

A coalition of nonpartisan voter registration organizations has filed suit in New Mexico against parts of a 2005 electoral reform law that they contend unconstitutionally abrogates their right to collect voter registrations.

Since New Mexico went for President Bush by only 6,000 votes in 2004, anything that reduces registrations and turnout could affect the outcome in the swing state. Younger voters tend to favor Democratic candidates, and generally Democrats have tended to focus on fighting voter suppression, while Republicans have aimed their sights on voter fraud.

Tova Andrea Wang, vice president for research at Common Cause, expects the law will impact turnout among youth and people with disabilities. "Those are the communities that more often register to vote through third-party registration drives," said Wang. "Clearly, the groups feel that it is limiting their capacity."

Plaintiffs in the case are the American Association of People with Disabilities, the Federation of American Women's Clubs Overseas Inc., New Mexico Public Interest Research Group and the Southwest Organizing Project.

Although the law was in place in 2006, it has only become a major issue this year. "2008 is a special year because it's a presidential year, and there has been an extraordinary outpouring of interest," said Wendy Weiser, who runs the voting rights program at the Brennan Center for Justice and is working on the case. "A lot of civic groups want to do drives and are bumping up against the law."

The activists contend that because the law creates criminal penalties for failing to meet its requirements — which even supporters acknowledge are stringent — it discourages groups from collecting registrations.

"You have 48 hours to turn in a voter registration form," explained Weiser. "It's a misdemeanor if you don't. These penalties are assessable regardless of fault. Even if you did everything in your power but got sick or your boss didn't let you leave the office that would not insulate you."

Youth and student voter mobilization activists say that their efforts are hindered by the threat of penalties. "[The threat of criminal liability] intimidates students who simply want to get out on campus and register their friends to vote," said Sujatha Jahagirdar, program director of Student PIRG’s New Voters Project.

Defenders of the law say that the law's requirements address real problems that have surfaced in previous voter registration drives. "All the statutory provisions have a genesis in actual problems that the legislature dealt with," said Pat Rogers, a conservative election lawyer in New Mexico.

For instance, the requirement that forms be filed within 48 hours was designed to prevent organizations from holding them in insecure locations. In 2004 New Mexico voter registrations were stolen from an organization's office.

"[Outside groups] shouldn't be holding the registrations for long periods of time," said David Muhlhausen, senior policy analyst at the right-leaning Heritage Foundation. "They get lost, they get damaged. If the mandate was 72 hours they would probably complain about that."

Muhlhausen agreed that some of the provisions seemed arbitrarily restrictive, such as having to turn in registrations in groups of 50. "I find that a little strange," said Muhlhausen. "I'm not sure why it's not 100."

But, he said, the intent of the provision is legitimate: to prevent groups from dumping thousands of registrations on the board of elections shortly before the deadline, which can make it more difficult to weed out illegal ones.

An unusual feature of the situation in New Mexico is that while these suits are typically leveled at Republican-controlled state governments, as in the recent Supreme Court ruling upholding Indiana's voter identification requirement, the 2005 law was passed by a Democratic legislature and signed by Democratic governor and former presidential candidate and current vice presidential possiblity Bill Richardson — who seemed to back away from some of these provisions in his statement on the lawsuit.

"While there were many good measures in this omnibus election reform bill that the governor signed ... there may be merit to reviewing the voter registration process to ensure there are not undue hardships on people who are running legitimate voter registration efforts," he said in a statement.

Rogers, though, explained away that recalibration as presidential-year posturing. "There's a rumor he's interested in national office," joked Rogers. "He's going to figure out what public sentiment is before taking a stance [on the lawsuit.]"

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Tuesday, March 18, 2008

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Democracy doesn't end on election day

"Democracy doesn't end on Election Day." - Robby Rodriguez, South West Organizing Project



South by Southwest: Report back from Texas

“The knowledge and experience our three sister organizations (CVH, S. Echo and SWOP) bring to table is invaluable. This type of sharing and work is a corner stone to our learning and vital for building a strong movement.”
– Genaro Rendon

SWOP, CVH and Southern Echo, three Pushback Network anchor organizations from New Mexico, New York and Mississippi respectively, went to San Antonio Feb. 15-16 to support the Southwest Workers Union (SWU) in its 2-day training entitled, “’Mobilizing Grassroots Voting Power”. We had members of the Pushback Network collaborating together to assist a key grassroots network in a fourth state to build their organizing process from the bottom up. This assistance actually arose out of the SWU, SWOP and Echo South x Southwest Experiment that focused on building black-brown bridges across the south and southwest. Through this Experiment, the Pushback Network developed a relationship with SWU. All in all, a great time was had by all.

SWU was most interested in hearing how New Mexico, Mississippi and New York explained their different models of grassroots community organizing, both historically and programmatically, and how each state brought their community into the political process. SWU’s goal was both to understand what others have done and to see what it could take from each of the models that would be most useful in the south Texas context. What was interesting to me was that SWU was not seeking a singular black and white roll out of do-this and do-that, but an opportunity to obtain a more complex overview of vision and strategy, as well as the critical details of program, to assess the best that each of the models had to offer that flowed from the variety of approaches and experiences based on their different circumstances.

The Texas process brings to life one of the principal values that we projected from the outset as a goal of the Pushback process, and also in the South x Southwest process. The question was, can we build bottom up grassroots models of work that would not only further the work in our own states, but be useful to like-minded communities in other states? I think the answer is affirmative.

Reported to Pushbacknetwork.org by Mike Sayer, Southern Echo, MS

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